Ziyarat and the Tradition of Visiting Shrines in Islam

Related traditions: Islam

Regions covered: Middle East, South Asia, North Africa

Ziyarat — literally “visit” in Arabic — refers to the Islamic practice of traveling to tombs, shrines, and holy sites associated with prophets, saints, scholars, and members of the Prophet Muhammad’s family. Unlike the Hajj, which is obligatory and geographically fixed in Mecca, ziyarat is voluntary, widely distributed across the Islamic world, and practiced in forms that vary enormously by region, sect, and local tradition. It is also one of the most theologically contested practices in Islam, praised by some scholars as an act of deep devotion and condemned by others as a deviation from monotheistic purity.

The Theological Foundation

The Quranic basis for ziyarat is indirect. The Quran does not explicitly command or prohibit visiting tombs, though it does reference the graves of earlier peoples as sites of moral reflection. The hadith literature provides stronger support: several traditions record the Prophet Muhammad visiting the cemetery of Medina (al-Baqi’) and encouraging his followers to visit graves as a reminder of mortality and the afterlife. “I had forbidden you to visit graves,” one well-known hadith states, “but now visit them, for they remind you of the Hereafter.”

The theological framework for ziyarat rests on the concepts of tawassul (intercession) and baraka (blessing). Tawassul is the practice of seeking closeness to God through the mediation of a righteous person — whether alive or dead. Visitors to a saint’s tomb may ask the saint to intercede with God on their behalf, or they may simply seek the spiritual benefit of proximity to a person of holiness. Baraka, understood as a form of divine grace that can be transmitted through persons, objects, and places, provides the conceptual basis for the belief that a saint’s tomb can be a source of spiritual power.

These concepts are widely accepted in Sunni Sufi tradition, mainstream Shia theology, and much of popular Islamic practice. But they have been challenged since the medieval period by scholars who argue that seeking intercession from the dead constitutes shirk — the unforgivable sin of associating partners with God. The most influential critic was Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328), whose arguments were later adopted and intensified by the Wahhabi movement originating in eighteenth-century Arabia. This theological dispute continues to shape Muslim attitudes toward shrine visitation today.

Shia Ziyarat

In Shia Islam, ziyarat occupies a central and largely uncontested place in devotional life. The shrines of the Twelve Imams and their families are among the most important pilgrimage destinations in the Shia world. Najaf (Imam Ali), Karbala (Imam Hussein), Kazimayn in Baghdad (the seventh and ninth Imams), Samarra (the tenth and eleventh Imams), and Mashhad in Iran (Imam Reza, the eighth Imam) all draw millions of visitors annually.

Shia ziyarat is structured and liturgical. Visitors recite specific prayers (ziyaratnameh) composed for each shrine, addressing the interred imam directly, expressing grief for the injustice of their suffering, and requesting intercession. The emotional intensity of these visits — particularly at Karbala during Ashura and Arba’een — is a defining feature of Shia devotional culture. The pilgrim does not merely pay respects; they enter a relationship with the imam that is understood as ongoing and reciprocal.

Sufi Shrines and Popular Practice

Across the Sunni world, the shrines of Sufi saints (awliya, “friends of God”) have served for centuries as centers of devotion, healing, and community. The shrine of Moinuddin Chishti in Ajmer, India, draws millions of visitors from multiple faiths — Hindus and Sikhs as well as Muslims — who seek the saint’s baraka. The shrine of Moulay Idriss in Morocco, the mausoleum of Rumi in Konya, Turkey, and the tomb of Data Ganj Bakhsh in Lahore, Pakistan, are similarly major pilgrimage destinations with their own annual festivals (urs, celebrating the saint’s death anniversary as a spiritual “wedding” with God).

The practices at these shrines vary widely. Visitors may tie threads or cloths to the shrine’s grille, requesting the saint’s intercession for specific needs. They may place rose petals on the grave, circumambulate the tomb, recite Quranic verses, or commission qawwali (devotional music) performances. In many South Asian shrines, the atmosphere mixes deep reverence with festivity — food distribution, music, and the gathering of community are understood not as distractions from devotion but as expressions of it.

These practices have come under increasing pressure from reformist movements that regard shrine visitation as un-Islamic. In recent decades, Sufi shrines in Pakistan, Libya, Mali, and Somalia have been attacked or destroyed by groups aligned with Salafi or Wahhabi theology. The destruction represents not only physical loss but the erasure of living devotional traditions — oral histories, musical lineages, and community networks that were sustained through the shrine and that cannot be easily rebuilt once disrupted.

Ziyarat as Living Tradition

Despite theological opposition, ziyarat remains one of the most widely practiced forms of Islamic devotion. Its persistence reflects something that formal theology sometimes struggles to accommodate: the human need for embodied encounter with the sacred, for places where prayer feels more immediate and where the distance between the living and the holy dead seems to thin. The intellectual arguments for and against shrine visitation are sophisticated and deeply held on both sides, but the pilgrim standing at a saint’s tomb, whispering a prayer, is engaged in a practice whose roots are older than the debate itself.

Baraka — A concept of divine blessing or grace that Muslims believe can be transmitted through persons, objects, and places. Saints are understood to possess baraka in their lifetimes, and their tombs are believed to retain it after death, making the shrine a site where devotees can access spiritual benefit.

Tawassul — The practice of seeking nearness to God through the intercession of a righteous person, whether living or dead. Supporters cite Quranic and hadith evidence for the practice; critics argue that only God should be addressed in supplication.

Urs — Literally “wedding,” the annual festival commemorating a Sufi saint’s death, understood as the soul’s union with God. Urs celebrations typically involve recitation of the Quran, devotional music (qawwali or sama), communal meals, and all-night gatherings at the saint’s tomb.

Shirk — The theological concept of associating partners with God, considered the gravest sin in Islam. Opponents of ziyarat argue that requesting intercession from deceased saints constitutes a form of shirk; proponents counter that they are asking the saint to pray to God on their behalf, not worshipping the saint.

Awliya — Literally “friends” or “allies” of God, the term used in Sufi tradition for saints whose closeness to God grants them spiritual authority and the capacity to transmit baraka. The concept appears in the Quran (10:62): “Indeed, the awliya of God — no fear will there be concerning them, nor will they grieve.”